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Postiogan Sioni Size » Maw 13 Ebr 2004 2:14 pm

Naomi Klein in Baghdad
Monday April 12, 2004
The Guardian

April 9, 2003 was the day Baghdad fell to US forces. One year later, it is rising up against them.
Donald Rumsfeld claims that the resistance is just a few "thugs, gangs and terrorists". This is dangerous wishful thinking. The war against the occupation is now being fought out in the open, by regular people defending their homes and neighbourhoods - an Iraqi intifada.

"They stole our playground," an eight-year-old boy in Sadr City told me this week, pointing at six tanks parked in a soccer field, next to a rusty jungle gym. The field is a precious bit of green in an area of Baghdad that is otherwise a swamp of raw sewage and uncollected rubbish.

Sadr City has seen little of Iraq's multibillion-dollar "reconstruction", which is partly why Moqtada al-Sadr and his Mahdi army have so much support here. Before the US occupation chief, Paul Bremer, provoked Sadr into an armed conflict by shutting down his newspaper and arresting and killing his deputies, the Mahdi army was not fighting coalition forces, it was doing their job for them.

After all, in the year it has controlled Baghdad, the Coalition Provisional Authority still hasn't managed to get the traffic lights working or to provide the most basic security for civilians. So in Sadr City, Sadr's so-called "outlaw militia" can be seen engaged in such subversive activities as directing traffic and guarding factories from looters. In a way, the Mahdi army is as much Bremer's creation as it Sadr's: it was Bremer who created Iraq's security vacuum - Sadr simply filled it.

But as the June 30 "hand-over" to Iraqi control approaches, Bremer now sees Sadr and the Mahdi as a threat that must be taken out - along with the communities that have grown to depend on them. Which is why stolen playgrounds were only the start of what I saw in Sadr City this week.

In al-Thawra hospital, I met Raad Daier, a 36-year-old ambulance driver with a bullet in his lower abdomen, one of 12 shots fired at his ambulance from a US Humvee. According to hospital officials, at the time of the attack, he was carrying six people injured by US forces, including a pregnant woman who had been shot in the stomach and lost her child.

I saw charred cars that dozens of eye-witnesses said had been hit by US missiles, and local hospitals confirmed that their drivers had been burned alive. I also visited Block 37 of Sadr City's Chuadir district, a row of houses where every door was riddled with holes. Residents said US tanks rolled down their street firing into their homes. Five people were killed, including Murtada Muhammad, aged four.

And I saw something that I feared more than any of this: a copy of the Koran with a bullet hole through it. It was lying in the ruins of what was Sadr's headquarters in Sadr City. On April 8, according to witnesses, two US tanks broke down the walls of the centre while two guided missiles pierced its roof, leaving giant craters in the floor and missile debris behind.

The worst damage, however, was done by hand. The clerics at the Sadr office say that US soldiers entered the building and crudely shredded photographs of Grand Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani, the top Shia cleric in Iraq. When I arrived at the destroyed centre, the floor was covered in torn religious texts, including several copies of the Koran that been ripped and shot through with bullets. And it did not escape the notice of the Shias here that hours earlier, US soldiers had bombed a Sunni mosque in Falluja.

For months the White House has been making ominous predictions of a civil war breaking out between the majority Shias, who believe it's their turn to rule Iraq, and the minority Sunnis, who want to hold on to the privileges they amassed under Saddam Hussein's regime. But this week the opposite appears to have taken place. Both Sunni and Shia have seen their neighbourhoods attacked and their religious sites desecrated. Up against a shared enemy, they are beginning to bury ancient rivalries and join forces against the occupation. Instead of a civil war, they are on the verge of building a common front.

You could see it at the mosques in Sadr City on Thursday: thousands of Shias lined up to donate blood, destined for Sunnis hurt in the attacks in Falluja. "We should thank Paul Bremer," Salih Ali told me. "He has finally united Iraq. Against him."


Ongl arall ar al-Sadr yn fana, ongl wahanol i gelwydd bropaganda arferol llywodraethau'r goresgyn. Mi gyhuddodd Tony Blair gwrthryfelwyr al-Sadr o fod yn gefnogwyr Saddam Hussein diwrnod o'r blaen. Fedri di ddweud wrth bawb pa mor gelwyddog ydi hynna Garnet? Dwi'n siwr y medri.
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Postiogan Sioni Size » Mer 14 Ebr 2004 10:46 am

http://www.guardian.co.uk/Iraq/Story/0, ... 42,00.html

Un arall sy'n anghytuno hefo Tony Blair.
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Postiogan gwern » Mer 14 Ebr 2004 11:19 am

Bysa fo yn neis os bysa wall yn gael ei adeiladu rownd America a bysa neb yn gallu mynd fewn i America a neb yn gallu dwad allan o America.
shanty shanty
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Postiogan Dr Gwion Larsen » Mer 14 Ebr 2004 12:05 pm

gwern a ddywedodd:Bysa fo yn neis os bysa wall yn gael ei adeiladu rownd America a bysa neb yn gallu mynd fewn i America a neb yn gallu dwad allan o America.
Mae rw beth ma wedi ei ddyfeisio o'r enw awyren tin gweld Gwern. :rolio:
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Postiogan gwern » Mer 14 Ebr 2004 2:58 pm

Ok ta Dr Gwion bysa fo yn neis os bysa na to dros America hefyd a ddim to sydd yn agor fatha stadiwm y milleniwm.
shanty shanty
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Postiogan Dr Gwion Larsen » Mer 14 Ebr 2004 3:06 pm

gwern a ddywedodd:Ok ta Dr Gwion bysa fo yn neis os bysa na to dros America hefyd a ddim to sydd yn agor fatha stadiwm y milleniwm.
Faint o doau sydd yno heb ddim iw amddiffyn wal ag to ia gwern?
Weithiau mae bomiau ar y dyfais ma o'r enw awyrenau. Ond eto ella doedd y ffaith bod wnes i gamddeallt am wal ne wbath :rolio: eniwe gadal hi yn fana mae hwn mewn edefyn anghywir
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Postiogan Sioni Size » Iau 15 Ebr 2004 11:25 am

Salim Lone
Tuesday April 13, 2004
The Guardian

US policy makers and commentators have been left reeling by the breadth and speed of Iraq's April rebellion. Particularly crushing have been the absence of any public Iraqi support for the US during these stunning setbacks, the decision by the country's security forces to step aside or even join the insurgents, and the resignations from the US-appointed governing council. Some US pundits have now accused Iraqis of not having the stomach to fight for democracy, and US spokesmen have condemned the "thugs" they claim are fighting to prevent democracy taking root in Iraq.
The reality is in fact diametrically opposite. It is the US that has refused to allow elections to choose a government after June 30 in order to continue to exercise control over Iraq. Even before the latest crisis, Paul Bremer, the American proconsul, had trouble enough with his hand-picked governing council. Dealing with an elected body that would demand a real say in running the country would be an endless battle.

So the coalition has put democracy on hold until it can be safely managed. That must change, with a policy shift that embraces national aspirations, since no Iraqis will countenance anything less than a full political engagement after a war and occupation whose only acceptable rationale for them was the promise of democracy.

In sticking to his anti-elections position, and manoeuvring to limit Iraqis' freedom to adopt a democratically agreed constitution, Bremer has wounded the credibility of both UN secretary general Kofi Annan and Ali al-Sistani, the Grand Ayatollah who helped keep Iraqi Shia from using force to challenge the occupation.

This is not to take away from the centrality of coalition blunders in the upheaval - the results of which have undercut, once and for all, the US mantra that only a few Iraqis oppose their presence. They show how utterly out of touch the coalition has been with the anti-occupation passions harboured by the vast majority of Iraqis. They were bound to be ignited into a national firestorm by the decision to go after the Shia cleric Moqtada al-Sadr, just as a terrible collective punishment was being meted out to Falluja. The onslaught on that blockaded city, which has killed between 600 and 1,000 mostly civilian Iraqis, has intensified worldwide Muslim anger against the US.

It was in January and February, though, that the groundwork was laid for the rebellion. The coalition then refused the repeated demand by Sistani that a new Iraqi government must emerge through elections. The immediate crisis was only resolved when the Ayatollah turned to Kofi Annan to determine whether credible elections could be held by the June 30 date the US had picked for the handover of sovereignty. With the help of UN mediator Lakhdar Brahimi, Annan concluded that the June 30 date should not be postponed and that therefore there was not enough time to hold credible elections - which in turn meant that the new Iraqi government would be picked by the Americans.

Sistani, and most of Iraq, was astounded at being so comprehensively undercut by the UN. The man who had restrained the Shia revolt had been made to look powerless to deliver for Iraqis. Thus was the basis laid for the current Shia uprising, along with the increasingly public US debate about the need to station US troops for years to come to ensure Iraq stays on the "right" path. In a polarising environment of impoverishment, insecurity, disenfranchisement and suspicion, it was clear that it would not take much for Iraq to explode.

Sistani will no doubt recover the support he enjoyed if US policy shifts in favour of a politically negotiated settlement to end occupation. But the damage inflicted on the UN in Iraq is long-term and will seriously hobble its ability to play the role of an honest broker.

It was astonishing that Mr Annan backed the US position on elections and the June sovereignty date when it was so overwhelmingly opposed by Sistani and the majority of Iraqis. There was a strong anti-UN outcry within Iraq, even from the governing council, and Sistani, who rarely departs from his cautious tone, made public his fury and threatened not to meet Brahimi when he returned.

The UN ended up intensifying the crisis it needed to resolve, again appearing pro-US, anti-Iraqi and anti-democratic to boot - a terrible mistake if the UN is to return to Iraq with any measure of safety.

The UN image has fallen to abysmally low levels in the Arab and Muslim worlds, and it must correct its excessive pro-US tilt if it is to function there with the people's support. But doing this will only be possible if the US itself recognises that the legitimacy it seeks from UN imprimaturs is becoming less and less meaningful, and relieves the excessive pressure it places on the secretary general.

· Salim Lone was director of communications for the UN in Iraq until last autumn

Pwy ddylia pobl goelio? Tony Blair a'i drwmped Garnet Bowen ta Salim Lone? Mae un ohonyn nhw yn anghywir beth bynnag.
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Postiogan Garnet Bowen » Iau 15 Ebr 2004 12:00 pm

Sioni Size a ddywedodd:Pwy ddylia pobl goelio? Tony Blair a'i drwmped Garnet Bowen ta Salim Lone? Mae un ohonyn nhw yn anghywir beth bynnag.


Coelio ynglyn a be rwan? Pa gyhuddiad gwallgo ti'n ei daflyd ata i?
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Postiogan Sioni Size » Iau 15 Ebr 2004 2:37 pm

Mae'r dewis yn eang, ond beth am yr honiad fod y 'cynghreiriad' yna i sefydlu democratiaeth pur a hyfryd yn Irac i ddechrau arni.

Some US pundits have now accused Iraqis of not having the stomach to fight for democracy, and US spokesmen have condemned the "thugs" they claim are fighting to prevent democracy taking root in Iraq.
The reality is in fact diametrically opposite. It is the US that has refused to allow elections to choose a government after June 30 in order to continue to exercise control over Iraq. Even before the latest crisis, Paul Bremer, the American proconsul, had trouble enough with his hand-picked governing council. Dealing with an elected body that would demand a real say in running the country would be an endless battle.


"Barn un dyn oedd yn arfer gweithio i'r UN ydi hyn.." a beth bynnag arall mae dy ben di'n ei ddweud wrth bopio allan am aer o din Tony Blair. Wyt ti dal yn gwrthod derbyn fod ethos hunanol-imperialaidd Tony a'i fets neo-liberal yn bodoli?
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Postiogan Garnet Bowen » Iau 15 Ebr 2004 4:23 pm

Sioni Size a ddywedodd:Mae'r dewis yn eang, ond beth am yr honiad fod y 'cynghreiriad' yna i sefydlu democratiaeth pur a hyfryd yn Irac i ddechrau arni.

Some US pundits have now accused Iraqis of not having the stomach to fight for democracy, and US spokesmen have condemned the "thugs" they claim are fighting to prevent democracy taking root in Iraq.
The reality is in fact diametrically opposite. It is the US that has refused to allow elections to choose a government after June 30 in order to continue to exercise control over Iraq. Even before the latest crisis, Paul Bremer, the American proconsul, had trouble enough with his hand-picked governing council. Dealing with an elected body that would demand a real say in running the country would be an endless battle.


"Barn un dyn oedd yn arfer gweithio i'r UN ydi hyn.." a beth bynnag arall mae dy ben di'n ei ddweud wrth bopio allan am aer o din Tony Blair. Wyt ti dal yn gwrthod derbyn fod ethos hunanol-imperialaidd Tony a'i fets neo-liberal yn bodoli?


Dwi'n deallt pam fod America yn petruso cyn cynnal etholiadau. Mae Irac yn wlad sydd wedi dioddef unbeniaeth ers degawdau, a toes 'na ddim byd i'w enill drwy ruthro i mewn i gynnal etholiadau yn syth. Ond mater o ychydig fisoedd ydi hyn, yn y pen draw. Mae'r IGC yn gobeithio cynnal etholiadau yng ngwanwyn 2005. Am lai na blwyddyn fydd y corff yma yn llywodraethu, cofia.
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